Solana Konferenz in Shanghai geplatzt – Was war da wirklich los in China?

Solana Konferenz in Shanghai geplatzt – Was war da wirklich los in China?

Eigentlich wollte Solana mit einer Accelerate Konferenz in Shanghai eine Tour durch China beginnen. Doch als erste Teilnehmer eintrudelten, stoppten staatliche Sicherheitskräfte das Event. Solana tut sich schwer mit einer Erklärung.

Krypto-Expertin Olivia war eine der ersten, die am Freitagmorgen aus dem Shangri La Hotel in Shanghai die überraschende Nachricht in Welt postete: Die Solana Konferenz Accelerate (übersetzt: „Beschleunigen“) war zu Ende, bevor das Event überhaupt richtig begann. Beamte machten Besuchern klar, dass sie nicht in das Gebäude gehen sollten, einige Solana Fans und Promis waren Fotos zufolge bereits im Foyer unterwegs. Die Chefin der Solana Stiftung Lili Liu erklärte Stunden später per X, man müsse die Veranstaltung verschieben. Über Nacht hätten sich so viele Menschen angemeldet, dass die Konferenz überfüllt geworden wäre und man auch die bei örtlichen Behörden registrierte Zahl überschritten hätte.

Solana Stiftung: Accelerate Konferenz in Shanghai nur “verschoben”

Doch so wirklich glaubwürdig ist die Version der Geschichte, welche Lili Liu auftischt, dann wohl doch nicht. Binance Gründer Changpeng Zhao, selbst in China geboren, hatte sich schon zuvor gewundert, wie Solana überhaupt „grünes Licht“ für ein Event dieser Größenordnung bekommen hätte. „Seiner“ BNB Chain sei dies bislang nicht gelungen, so CZ. Als dann der Abbruch der Solana Konferenz belegt war, schrieb die Krypto-Legende auf X : „Traurig zu sehen. Schaut so aus, als ob die wirklich nicht die lokalen Richtlinien kennen.“

Binance Gründer CZ war von Genehmigung für Solana Event in China überrascht

Die erklärt Krypto-Berater und Buchautor Anndy Lian dann online ausführlich. Tech dürfe man in China promoten, aber Coins wie Solana bewerben sei ein „No-No“. China verbiete Krypto nach wie vor rigoros, nicht einmal Bitcoin, Ethereum oder Tether (USDT) haben irgendeinen legalen Status, so Lian. Er selbst besuche deshalb selbst seit Jahren keine Krypto Events in China. Die Gäste der Solana Konferenz haben aus seiner Perspektive Glück gehabt, wenn sie nicht festgenommen wurden und über ihre Guthaben in SOL und anderen Kryptowährungen Auskunft geben mussten.

Mit SOL Werbung und Superlativen hat Solana wohl chinesisches Regime provoziert

Solana hatte im Vorfeld dick aufgefahren, Stifungschefin Liu verbreitete ein Foto von riesiger Fassadenwerbung. Andere Solana Vertreter brüsteten sich damit, man verfüge nun in Shanghai über die „höchsten kommerziell verfügbaren Büroräume der Welt“. Skeptiker wie der anonyme rtsky777 warnten da schon, die übergroße Solana LED-Reklame sei keine gute Idee gewesen und die Suche nach „SOL Shanghai“ im Internet bereits als verdächtig eingestuft.

Setzt Solana seine Tour in China nach Eklat wirklich fort?

Aber auf der Solana Webpräsenz werden am Freitagabend weiterhin die nächsten drei Accelerate China Konferenz enbeworben, am 18.Oktober in Hangzhou, am 20. in Shenzhen und zum Schluss am 22. Oktober in Peking. Die drei Großstädte gehören allesamt nicht zu der Zone Hongkong, wo Krypto laut Lian gewisse Freiheiten genießt und so auch Kryptobörsen agieren können.

Fazit: Ist Solana in die China-Falle gelaufen?

Aus der Ferne wirkt es seltsam naiv, wie sich Solana Stiftung und Vordenker eine Vertretung in Festland-China und große SOL Konferenzen ausgedacht haben. Wenn sich Liu nun bei allen entschuldigt, „die von nah und fern gekommen sind, um Teil von Solana in Shanghai zu werden“, könnte das offizielle China das auch als Provokation verstehen. Für die Kryptoszene allgemein sollte das unschöne Erlebnis eine Warnung sein, China nicht mit Asien zu verwechseln. Die Parteilinie duldet kein Krypto im großen Stil, Tron Gründer Justin Sun war wohl 2019 sogar in China festgehalten worden, bis er sich wortreich entschuldigte und den Sozialismus lobte. Ob Solana Accelerate noch ein Nachspiel hat, zeigen die nächste Tage. 

 

Solana Konferenz in Shanghai geplatzt – Was war da wirklich los in China?

Anndy Lian is an early blockchain adopter and experienced serial entrepreneur who is known for his work in the government sector. He is a best selling book author. The latest book is Web4: The Age of Autonomous Intelligence.

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Elon Musk’s Starlink row in India exposes Asia’s deeper battle over satellite power

Elon Musk’s Starlink row in India exposes Asia’s deeper battle over satellite power

Additional points:

Q1. What do you think are the reasons for the delays in Musk’s launch plans in India? Do you agree with his statement about oligarchs obstructing his entry?

The delays in India primarily stem from complex regulatory requirements, including finalizing spectrum pricing, obtaining security clearances, and complying with data localization mandates. While Musk blames “oligarchs” for protecting monopolies, this oversimplifies the situation. Domestic telecom operators understandably advocate for a level playing field to ensure satellite internet doesn’t gain undue regulatory advantages over terrestrial networks. India’s methodical approach reflects a sovereign state establishing equitable telecommunications rules. From a pragmatic standpoint, framing this as a billionaire conspiracy ignores the rigorous policy processes necessary in major markets. Navigating these regulatory guardrails is simply a standard cost of doing business globally.

Q2. Do you think there are genuine security concerns about his proposal since several other nations, including Sri Lanka, Nepal, Vietnam, Taiwan, and China, have actively opposed or been slow to grant approvals to Starlink?

Yes, the security concerns are entirely genuine. Satellite networks bypass traditional terrestrial infrastructure, raising valid flags regarding data sovereignty, surveillance, and national defense. For Asian governments, allowing foreign-controlled critical communications infrastructure to operate outside direct regulatory oversight is a non-starter. States require concrete guarantees that domestic user data remains localized and that authorities retain crisis management capabilities. These regional delays are not anti-innovation roadblocks; they are standard sovereign prerogatives. Protecting national security in an era of borderless technology is a baseline expectation, and governments are right to prioritize sovereign control over rapid deployment.

Q3. What do those concerns mean for Starlink’s expansion plans in Asia, which has emerged at the forefront of technology development and adoption?

These regulatory hurdles mean Starlink’s Asian expansion will be a marathon, not a sprint. Although Asia is a primary engine of tech adoption, it has a heavily fragmented regulatory landscape. Starlink cannot impose a one-size-fits-all global model or expect special exemptions. Expansion will require market-by-market negotiations, balancing SpaceX’s operational model with stringent local compliance. The rollout will inevitably be slower and more capital-intensive, requiring investments in local ground stations and domestic partnerships. Ultimately, achieving scale in Asia will depend on Starlink’s willingness to adapt to the region’s strict regulatory frameworks rather than attempting to bypass them.

Q4. What does Musk need to do to address these concerns?

Musk must pivot from confrontational rhetoric to collaborative diplomacy. Publicly blaming local stakeholders on social media is counterproductive in Asia, where government relations demand tact and respect for regulatory sovereignty. To build essential trust, Starlink must proactively demonstrate compliance. This means guaranteeing strict data localization, establishing accountable domestic legal entities, and pursuing joint ventures with local telecom operators instead of antagonizing them. Demonstrating transparency in data handling and a genuine willingness to operate quietly within national frameworks will be far more effective in unlocking Asian markets than airing public grievances. Quiet compliance wins over loud disruption here.

 

Article: 

Elon Musk’s accusation that powerful Indian business interests are blocking Starlink’s entry into India has sparked a political row, but analysts say the dispute also highlights security concerns, regulatory hurdles and strategic calculations shaping the satellite service’s expansion across Asia.

In a post on social media, Musk said Starlink was licensed in more than 165 countries and had spent five years complying with Indian laws and regulations.

“So why still no licence? Is Ambani the real boss of India?” he wrote, suggesting Reliance Group chairman Mukesh Ambani – one of India’s wealthiest tycoons whose sprawling conglomerate has a major footprint across the economy – might wield undue influence over the licensing process.
The post drew a sharp response from Rahul Gandhi, leader of India’s main opposition party. “Welcome to India, Elon. Wait till you discover the other guy,” Gandhi said, apparently referring to Gautam Adani, another prominent Indian billionaire whose infrastructure and energy empire has expanded rapidly in recent years.
Gandhi has frequently accused Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government and its ruling Bharatiya Janata Party of favouring Ambani and Adani.

The Indian government said its regulatory framework for satellite communication services was fair and non-discriminatory.

Raj Kapoor, president of the India Blockchain Alliance, said Musk’s accusation overlooked the intense scrutiny Starlink was likely to face from security regulators across Asia.

“It is a foreign-controlled satellite network with the ability to provide connectivity across political borders and potentially bypass conventional terrestrial telecommunications infrastructure,” Kapoor said, adding that Indian security agencies had been scrutinising infrastructure localisation and whether user traffic could be routed outside domestic jurisdiction.

“Calling this an oligarch conspiracy is good politics on X but a poor reading of what is actually happening,” Kapoor said, pointing to past seizures of Starlink terminals from separatist militants in India’s Manipur state and from a drug-smuggling vessel off the coast. “That tells a security agency that the network can be reached by people the state cannot see.”

Starlink’s regional expansion has run into regulatory hurdles, security concerns and geopolitical resistance in several Asian countries, including Vietnam, Sri Lanka, Thailand and Nepal.

Kapoor said the regulatory concerns differed across jurisdictions and should not be generalised.

Starlink’s launch in Sri Lanka faced delays over regulatory assessments, data monitoring processes and national security vetting before receiving approval in mid-2025. In Vietnam, it launched nationwide operations in August under a tightly controlled five-year pilot programme.

Globally, Starlink has expanded rapidly across more than 160 countries, serving millions of customers.

“One of the reasons for the rapid expansion of Starlink has been how quickly countries have licensed it,” said Simon Baker, a UK-based senior research director for satellite and non-terrestrial connectivity at market research firm IDC.

“The service offers productivity gains to many services with poor telecoms infrastructure and this has encouraged them to overlook security issues for the time being. However, as Starlink use grows, the conditions imposed on it could increase in many places,” Baker added.

Anndy Lian, a Singapore-based technology policy adviser to governments, said security concerns among Asian countries were “entirely genuine” because satellite networks bypass land-based infrastructure, raising questions over data sovereignty, surveillance and national defence.

“States require concrete guarantees that domestic user data remains localised and that authorities retain crisis management capabilities,” Lian said. “These regional delays are not anti-innovation roadblocks; they are standard sovereign prerogatives. India’s methodical approach reflects a sovereign state establishing equitable telecommunications rules.”

The delays facing Starlink’s application in India stemmed mainly from complex regulatory requirements, Lian added.

India’s telecommunications market is currently dominated by Reliance Jio Infocomm and Bharti Airtel, which together control more than 80 per cent of the market. Reliance is expanding its own satellite ambitions through Jio Satellite Communications and a joint venture with Luxembourg-based satellite operator SES.

While OneWeb and Starlink are among the providers granted preliminary satellite communications licences in India, none has yet received spectrum allocation or launched full commercial services.

The government said that all applicants must undergo mandatory security assessments before spectrum allocation.

An uneven landscape

Jamus Lim, an associate professor of economics at ESSEC Business School Asia-Pacific, said that India’s market structure was heavily concentrated among a small group of large companies.

“Under such an industrial organisation, it is not unusual for foreign entrants to find the competitive conditions less than ideal,” Lim said, noting that entering a market dominated by established players was always difficult, regardless of an entrant’s technological advantage.

The dispute between Musk and New Delhi also reflects growing geopolitical overlay in economic policymaking.

“It does not help that the Indian government has had its own share of friction with the United States,” Lim said.

India has indicated that trade negotiations with the United States have largely stalled, with its willingness to make further concessions to Washington reaching a limit. US lawmakers have also enacted sanctions legislation authorising discretionary tariffs of up to 100 per cent on major buyers of Russian oil, a move aimed partly at India’s continued energy trade with Moscow.

Lim noted that while Musk’s companies had “deep pockets” they should “expect no favours from Indian policymakers”.

Despite regulatory hurdles, proponents argue that Starlink offers significant benefits to Asian economies by delivering high-speed digital connectivity to remote and disaster-prone regions.

But Lian said that Starlink’s Asia-wide roll-out “will be a marathon, not a sprint”.

Kapoor predicted a segmented roll-out across the region: while some Asian countries would adopt Starlink rapidly, others would impose strict localisation rules, and a third group would pursue domestic or allied satellite alternatives.

“India does not want to exchange dependence on one set of telecoms gatekeepers for dependence on a foreign satellite network,” Kapoor said. “It wants the benefits of Starlink without surrendering strategic autonomy.”

Satya Gupta, president of the VLSI Society of India and a veteran telecoms industry executive, said the controversy highlighted the need for India to develop its own satellite service.

“We should aim to have this over the next five to seven years. This is the future of the internet for a range of services,” Gupta said. “We have all the ingredients and we need to put it together.”

India has already emerged as a major global hub for low-cost small satellite manufacturing and cost-effective space projects. Gupta said India could develop its own satellite services and offer them to regional neighbours, including Sri Lanka and Nepal.

 

Source: https://www.scmp.com/week-asia/politics/article/3370206/india-aims-anchor-military-ties-us-indo-pacific-resident-power?module=perpetual_scroll_1_RM&pgtype=article

 

Anndy Lian is an early blockchain adopter and experienced serial entrepreneur who is known for his work in the government sector. He is a best selling book author. The latest book is Web4: The Age of Autonomous Intelligence.

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印度喊话“芯片走向世界”,但还没证明能生产28nm

印度喊话“芯片走向世界”,但还没证明能生产28nm

当地时间9月17日,第五届印度半导体展览会(SEMICON India)在新德里开幕,印度总理莫迪亲自到场揭幕。

通过这场展会,印度试图向外界展示一个不断壮大的半导体产业:不仅能制造芯片,还具备一个覆盖设计、制造、封装、材料、研发和人才的完整生态。借此,印度希望将自己融入全球半导体供应链,成为其中的关键一环。

不过,印度想要成为全球半导体制造中心,仍面临诸多现实挑战。虽然该国在芯片设计领域有优势,但芯片制造是完全不同的挑战,需要巨额投资、稳定的电力供应等基础设施,以及由硅晶圆和精密设备供应商组成的庞大产业网络,而在这些方面印度都存在短板。

印度的半导体雄心始于2021年的“印度半导体使命”。在此基础上,该国2022年投入7600亿卢比(约合531.6亿元人民币)推出了“印度半导体计划”(Semicon India Programme),又称“Semicon 1.0”。

今年7月,印度又批准了一项规模达1.275万亿卢比(约合891.4亿元人民币)的Semicon 2.0计划,进一步扩大支持范围,围绕芯片设计、半导体设备和材料、晶圆制造、先进封装、研发以及人才培养六大方向推进。

印度希望借此推动半导体产业从“吸引投资”进入“形成生态”的阶段。

9月17日,印度电子与信息技术部长瓦伊什瑙在展览会现场透露,印度要凭借“质量和成本”优势在全球半导体产业中占据一席之地,目前英伟达、AMD、英特尔等芯片巨头正在印度开展先进芯片设计工作,其中甚至包括2纳米芯片。

瓦伊什瑙表示,在Semicon 2.0下,印度的目标是力争到2032年跻身全球六大半导体国家之列,到2047年跻身前三。

莫迪当天也在讲话中渲染说,印度的芯片产业正蓬勃发展,“印度的芯片将走向世界”。

但从实际进展来看,印度半导体制造距离这一目标仍很遥远。

根据印度新闻信息局公布的信息,今年印度半导体展览会以“从硅到系统:构建生态系统”为主题,有超过600家参展商和300家国际企业参会。

会前,甚至有印度媒体爆料称,中国企业将自2022年以来首次参会,为展会制造噱头。但截至17日会议开始,官方都没有在其网站公开实际参展商名单,有关中国企业参与的传言也没有得到任何有关方的证实。

此外,自相关项目启动以来,印度共批准了12个晶圆制造和封装项目,其中仅美光科技、本土企业凯恩斯半导体和CG Semi三个项目已开始商业化生产。而且,这些项目主要涉及芯片组装、测试和封装环节,而不是先进晶圆制造。

一直以来,印度在半导体制造上就相对薄弱,其优势在于拥有庞大的芯片设计人才队伍。英伟达、AMD、高通等企业,都在班加罗尔、海得拉巴等印度城市设有研发中心,由当地工程师参与设计先进芯片。

印度理工学院马德拉斯分校校长卡马科蒂指出,印度已经具备设计复杂半导体的能力,无论是在本土企业还是在跨国公司工作的印度工程师,都已经成功设计并交付复杂芯片,“但更大的挑战在于制造”。

对于印度而言,打造完整半导体生态是一场长期“马拉松”,而不是一次短跑。

新加坡分析人士安迪·连(Anndy Lian)表示,印度不仅需要建设生产复杂微芯片和集成电路的晶圆厂,也需要完善芯片制造后的后端处理体系。

基础设施建设同样是印度需要补齐的短板。半导体制造对环境要求极高,需要超纯水、稳定电力供应以及特殊化学品支持。安迪·连解释说,一次电压波动就可能毁掉整批晶圆。印度必须建设真正达到国际标准、能够直接投入生产的工业园区,而不是只停留在承诺层面。

此外,在生产半导体的材料上,印度仍高度依赖外部供应链。印度超过90%的稀土磁体和金属供应来自中国,而这些正是半导体生产过程中不可或缺的原材料。这意味着,即便印度未来能够生产“印度制造”的芯片,其供应链仍很容易受上游材料和设备来源影响。

卡马科蒂认为,印度不应一开始就追求最先进的芯片制造,而是应首先证明自己能够稳定、大规模制造成熟制程28纳米芯片,然后再挑战用于高端智能手机和人工智能系统的3纳米先进芯片。

一位不愿透露姓名的半导体行业高管指出,未来一段时间内,印度仍可能在芯片设计方面强于制造。

他说:“印度已经建立了世界级芯片设计能力,但制造是完全不同的挑战。短期内最大的机会在于封装、测试以及成熟制程制造。”

 

Source: https://finance.sina.cn/stock/jdts/2026-09-17/detail-iniscqxx4055241.d.html?vt=4

Anndy Lian is an early blockchain adopter and experienced serial entrepreneur who is known for his work in the government sector. He is a best selling book author. The latest book is Web4: The Age of Autonomous Intelligence.

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